Article and photos by Richard Ng
Article and photos by Jason Shaltiel [Read more…]
By Stevie Borrello
Yamina Vicente risked leaving her steady job as an economics professor to open Decorazon, a party planning service.
Nidialys Acosta used her experience as a government expert on imports and exports to help make her and her husband’s dream of NostalgiCar, a vintage car service, a reality.
Niuris Higueras previously helped run a private restaurant, known as a paladar, before turning to Cuba Emprende, a nonprofit training service for Cuban entrepreneurs, to gain the knowledge to build her own licensed paladar, Atelier, from the bottom up.
A growing number of women are seizing the opportunity to become entrepreneurs, or as the Cubans say, cuentapropistas. Many of them are leaving low-paid state-run institutions in a bid to better their incomes.
While definitive statistics are not available, signs suggest that the new private sector is attracting women at a faster rate than men. One reason may be that women dominate many professions in the shrinking state sector. Then, too, many new opportunities are in areas traditionally favored by women. “There are many different options thanks to all of these new businesses that didn’t exist before,” said Magaly Rodriguez, who recently started a private catering business.
John McIntire, a founder of Cuba Emprende, added: “Women aren’t having a lot of babies in Cuba. The fertility rate is below the replacement rate. So women are either postponing or maybe having one kid, and so most of them are trying to get ahead” and make more money in the private sector.
The rise in women entrepreneurs can be seen most clearly through the lens of Cuba Emprende, which has graduated more than 1,000 entrepreneurs since its founding in 2012. The ratio of women to men has significantly changed. It was “originally was 60 to 65 percent men and has now shifted to about 60 percent women” in the program, McIntire said.
The program, which is funded by U.S. philanthropists, began in Havana, and is now active in two other cities, Cienfuegos and Camaguey. Cuba Emprende receives about 100 applications each month, and the majority continue to be from women, said Jorge Mandilego, director of Cuba Emprende, who quipped that he is not surprised by these numbers because his wife proves to him “every single day, women are better administrators.”
Perhaps more importantly, women dominate many professions that are poorly paid in the state sector. Jorge Mario Sanchez, an economist at the University of Havana, explained that women account for approximately 60 percent of the professions, especially law, research and academia. The early cuentapropistas were either those who were not in the work force or who worked at illicit businesses that were eventually legalized. Now many women are leaving their respected positions to seek better financial opportunities in the private sector. State-sector jobs that have been cut were heavily populated by women and, therefore, more women lost their jobs, said Margaret Crahan, a senior research scholar at the Institute of Latin American Studies at Columbia University.
Yamina Vicente, 31, for example, was an economics professor at the University of Havana, but left to open a party planning service, Decorazon. During the early stages of her business, Vicente kept her job as a professor to make a little extra cash. Now, she makes more than she did as a professor. The average pay of professionals employed by the state is 20 to 25 Convertible Cuban Pesos, or CUCs, (the equivalent of $20 to $25) per month.
Vicente has seen the number of women increase in the private sector, as more business options become available. “At the beginning the different jobs that were offered privately were more male jobs, like paladares and shoemakers,” she said using the Spanish word for privately run restaurants. “But now there were a number of professions introduced like interior designer or sewing or more female jobs, which is also why the number of women is increasing in the last three years.”
The emerging entrepreneurial sector gathered strength in 2011, with new regulations introduced by President Raul Castro that eventually authorized more than 200 types of businesses to be run by entrepreneurs. These included everything from locksmith and carpenter to party entertainer and animal caretaker.
Nidialys Acosta was able to capitalize on both her state-business connections and the new regulations when she and her husband, Julio Alvarez, expanded their company, NostalgiCar, which operates a vintage car service and refurbishes vintage automobiles.
Acosta studied chemistry at the University of Havana and worked in import/export for the government for 11 years. She used her contacts and her knowledge of finance to run NostalgiCar’s logistics and its car service. When new rules recently allowed government agencies to contract with private companies, she signed contracts with almost all the tourist agencies in Havana.
Recently, new regulations allowed Acosta and Alvarez to rent their own garage.
But the pressures of being cuentapropistas are manifold. Taxes are high. Credit is scarce. Government regulations are constantly changing. And juggling work and family is often difficult. The couple’s son calls them “liars” because they said they would have more time to take care of him once NostaligiCar was opened.
Rodriguez, 47, is a single mother of three teen-age boys, 19, 15 and 13 years old, who said she also felt the constant stress of running her small catering business while taking care of her children and her dog. To her, a 12-hour day is an easy one.
“It’s really difficult and I feel like work doesn’t ever end, because I’m working and then the kids get home and they want to eat and then I have to take care of the dog’s food, and it’s all really complicated,” she said.
The falling birth rate, which was exacerbated during the post-Soviet years of scarcity, the so-called Special Period, continues to decrease, causing serious demographic problems. Only 17.2 percent of the Cuban population is under the age of 14, according to Sanchez, the economist. Close to 65 percent of the population is aged 15 to 59. And 18.3 percent are over 60. Many Cuban families, he explained, are composed of five people – two grandparents, two parents and one child; 1.6 people, he said, have to take care of five.
Many women entrepreneurs are determined to move into traditionally male-dominated fields. Take Niuris Higueras, a Cuba Emprende graduate, who recently opened her own paladar, Atelier. “The majority of paladar owners are men, so you can say about 20 percent are women and 80 percent are men,” Higueras said.
While she had years of previous restaurant experience, it was not until graduating from Cuba Emprende that she felt ready to open her own. Atelier is housed in an old mansion in the Vedado neighborhood. Today the mansion is adorned with crystal chandeliers, wood-beamed ceilings and expensive artwork, but it was not always in such good condition. Higueras traded a modern four-bedroom apartment for the mansion, which was, at the time, a wreck. She and her family renovated the building.
However, Higueras’s real estate gambit illustrates how the opening of the economy is leading not only to growing income disparities in Cuba but also to another social divide. What little capital cuentapropistas have – whether men or women – comes from property or automobiles their families were able to hold on to from before the revolution or from remittances, which alone make up 70 to 80 percent of the funding for new businesses, according to McIntire. And the entrepreneurs with those resources are mostly white.
Still, all cuentapropistas – men and women, black and white – are counting on more reforms to ease the still difficult environment in which they operate. High on their wish list are: the establishment of wholesale markets, greater access to credit and faster Internet service.
Article and photo by Raquel Blanco
Pavel Garcia walks down the streets of Old Havana, a young man with tousled shoulder-length hair and a beard, dreaming of opening his own nongovernmental organization, or NGO – which in today’s Cuba is still a near-impossibility. He is trying to ensure that tourist dollars trickle down to local communities that have not yet benefited from the cuentapropista boom – the private entrepreneurs who are capitalizing on both changes in government economic policy and the gentrification of Old Havana.
Garcia works in Old Havana, which is undergoing serious renovation. The government, with support from UNESCO, has restored several colonial-style neighborhoods and plazas, creating an atmosphere that could rival the historic districts of Madrid or Barcelona. As more private businesses emerge, tourists are finding an array of paladares – private, often family-run, restaurants – and high-end shops.
Dollars and CUCs, the local currency that is pegged to the dollar and formally called Cuban Convertible Pesos, flow through Old Havana and represent a significant increase in earnings for many Cubans. The average state-paid salary of, say, a doctor, is the equivalent of about 20-24 CUC a month. People who work independent of the state, in tourism for example, or the restaurants, can make 15 CUC a day.
This disparity in incomes can be traced in great part to Cuba’s dual-currency system. The CUC, which has buying power equivalent to the U.S. dollar, was initially used mostly for tourists. The peso (CUP), which is exclusively for locals, is valued at about 5 cents. (On the streets of Havana, markets today might sell in pesos and convert to CUCs, or exclusively in CUCs.) This great devaluation of the Cuban currency has led many people to leave state jobs or to take additional jobs in the private sector to earn CUCs. The government is expected to merge the two currencies this year.
Although the concept of working for $20 a month may seem unfathomable to many people, Cubans do receive an array of social services, including free health care and education, as well as subsidized utilities and housing.
For about 20 years after the revolution ended in 1959, income inequality was not a major issue. The Gini coefficient, an indicator of a country’s spread of wealth, ranges from 0, which is basically a communist utopia with no inequality, to 1, which indicates high income inequality. In 1963 Cuba had a Gini coefficient of .28, according to a study by the Institute for Cuban and Cuban-America Studies at the University of Miami.
A low level of income inequality in Cuba reflected the fact that almost everyone worked for the state. In 1989, only 0.7% of the population was considered self-employed, according to Prof. Ted Henken of Baruch College/CUNY. Then came the “Special Period,” in the early 1990s, when the Soviet Union collapsed and withdrew its economic support of Cuba. Shortages of food, medicine and much else caused the government to recognize the need to change its economic plan. Foreign investment and small businesses were needed to help revive the economy.
Since then, Cuba has gradually sanctioned small businesses and cooperatives, which are businesses that are run by their employees. One result is that income inequality has continued to widen. This has led many Cubans to wonder how their country can preserve its socialist values even as its moves to liberalize its economy.
“It is not easy, but it is not difficult,” Garcia asserted. Cubans seem to unite around the idea of solidarity. Regardless of their business, they seem to believe that they can help each other out and that they stand a better chance of progressing economically if they pull together.
Even many cuentapropistas — a word derived from the Spanish term “working for your own account” – say they want to spread their wealth. Garcia said he believed that sometimes all people need is a mediator to help them convert that desire into something tangible.
This problem animates Garcia and many of the cuentapropistas he works with. In the beautifully refurbished Plaza Vieja, in Old Havana, they created programs that aim to use the plaza for the community.
While the “government invests money in the Plaza,” Garcia said, the locals “feel like ‘it’s not for me,’ it’s for the tourists.
For example, at the private restaurants in the plaza, menu prices are beyond the means of a state-paid Cuban. At one coffee shop, La Bohemia, an employee said an average Cuban could come only “once in a while,” and that no more than 30 percent of its customers are local Cubans.
Garcia wants businesses “to go to the community with the new money and say what do you want?” He has successfully run a chess tournament in La Bohemia for groups of elderly people and young children. He has also organized sporting events for young people
Garcia hopes to have more businesses participate in arranging festivals or public assemblies in the Plaza. So he is helping the people who have lived in Old Havana for years to see that “this beautiful place is for you, too.”
Many other cuentapropistas are seeking ways to give back to the community.
La Moneda Cubana, a successful restaurant in Old Havana, prides itself on developing employment opportunities for young people in the community. The owner Miguel Angel Morales, known as Mickey, started a school to help train troubled youth as waiters. After an intensive course in English, history and etiquette, the trainees have the possibility of working in his restaurant and earning 20-30 CUCs a day.
Take Alain Miguel Cardenas Suarez, a handsome 24-year-old who freely acknowledges that he worked as a prostitute before coming to work at La Moneda. He had been studying mechanical engineering in Havana for three years when he realized that he could no longer continue in school and cover his basic living costs. He dropped out and found himself on the street. “I had to sell myself” to survive, he said.
Youths who are not in college or working sometimes become involved in black market activities and can go to jail for up to two years. So when Cardenas heard about Morales’s school, he jumped at the opportunity. Now he works in the restaurant. Morales said he had helped more than 50 youths and has employed about 15 of them in his restaurant.
About a 15-minute walk from La Moneda, the owner of a barbershop has developed a similar model. He established a barbering school to train teens to become stylists and helped build BarbeParque, a playground for local children, which he hopes will help Cubans see that cuentapropistas can benefit the community. All the parts of the playgrounds take the shape of barbers’ tools like scissors, a comb and a razor. The plan was designed by college students studying architecture and paid for by the government.
The park is more than just an attraction for children. While cuentapropistas have often been vilified by government officials as greedy capitalists, BarbeParque offers another perspective on what cuentapropistas can contribute to this solidarity-minded society.
This sense of community has flourished beyond the newly renovated streets of Old Havana to neighborhoods like El Vedado, where Casa Vera, a casa particular, or bed-and-breakfast, functions as an informal cooperative.
The casa particular hosts college students from abroad and offering meals, laundry service and cultural activities, such as salsa classes.
The owner, Aleida Gonzales Vera, has joined with neighbors to create one large operation by merging several small neighboring houses. Gonzalez’s house can accommodate about a dozen students; in the common areas meals are served and students can hold meetings – or get salsa-dancing lessons.
The informal arrangement with her neighbors allows Gonzalez to host groups as large as 50 students. But when she uses rooms owned by her neighbors so that she can host larger groups, she said her profits come only from serving meals to the students. She does not collect fees for managing the enterprise.
But, in today’s Cuba, despite new regulations meant to open economic opportunity, many social and business arrangements are still highly tenuous. Take the case of what was once a popular restuarant-cum-dinner theater known as El Cabildo, which was run by Ulises Aquino. The opera impresario also created La Opera de la Calle, which repackaged classical opera to make it more accessible to ordinary Cubans, according to Entrepreneurial Cuba by Archibald A. M. Ritter and Ted E. Henken. Aquino ran a successful paladar and theater for tourists, to whom he charged the equivalent of $25 cover, which helped pay for the theater’s high overhead and “generous salaries” for 130 employees. At the same time, Aquino sponsored free cultural and educational activities for children, and staged La Opera de la Calle performances for locals, at a much lower cover charge. The operation, wrote Ritter and Henken, was “born out of a felicitous combination of Aquino’s individual entrepreneurial initiative and his clear commitment to community uplift.”
But the authorities carried out a surprise raid of El Cabildo in 2012, and shut it down. Since many of Cuba’s leading government officials, including the vice minister of culture had praised the theater, Henken and Ritter speculate that the raid signaled that a “hidden fifth column” within the government bureaucracy was seeking to put the brakes on Raul Castro’s reforms.
Indeed, like both Aquino and Garcia, many cuentapropistas say they embrace socialist values. But without a formal, state-sanctioned NGO or philanthropic sector, their efforts are unlikely to go far.
By Trudy Knockless
When tourists take a free ride on the Staten Island Ferry to get a close-up look at New York Harbor and the Statue of Liberty, most of them turn right back around and get on the next boat to Lower Manhattan.
Staten Island officials and business owners are hoping this will change after a 60-story tall Ferris wheel and an outlet mall are opened in 2016.
“This project will contribute to Staten Island not being the forgotten borough again,” said City Councilwoman Debi Rose of Staten Island (though the borough does have a zoo, museums, parks, lovely beaches and some of the oldest homes in New York City).
On Oct. 30, the City Council gave final approval to the project and its New York Wheel, which will be the largest Ferris wheel in the world. “It is a great example of smart development that helps bring in jobs,” said Rose. Union workers lined the steps of City Hall on Oct. 30, distributing flyers that read, “Staten Island wins when you vote yes on the St. George Wheel and the Empire Outlets.”
Not all Staten Island residents are so sure of the benefits, expressing doubts about increased traffic and crime and how many of the jobs created will be low-pay or part-time work.
“A lot of people are opposed because a lot of small business owners think larger businesses will take away from them,” said Jessica Hull, 29, though she said she thought small businesses would benefit from the increased number of visitors. Keisha Scott, 26, who has been living in Staten Island for 12 years, said, “I don’t think it’s going to benefit Staten Island too much; I don’t think Staten Island needs another mall. There may be a few more jobs with the mall, but I’m not sure how to feel about the wheel.”
New York Wheel, the company responsible for the development of the wheel, which is expected to cost more than $200 million to build, said 600 permanent jobs are estimated to arise out of ticket sales, maintenance and operations. Construction of the wheel – which should begin in 2014 and is expected to last until 2016 – would create an approximate 350 additional temporary jobs, according to the company’s website.
Modeled after other successful wheels, such as the London Eye, the New York Wheel anticipates that as many as 30,000 visitors a day will come for a ride, according to newyorkwheel.com. A ride will take about 38 minutes and cost between $25 and $30, the company said, and the wheel can accommodate up to 1,440 people per ride. A spokesman for the company said it expected to operate in the black from its opening and to pay off its debt within five years.
The outlet mall will offer 350,000 square feet of leasable space, with a mix of fashion, food, and entertainment, as well as a 200-room hotel, according to empireoutletsnyc.com.
Helen Settles, a retired schoolteacher and resident of Staten Island, said she had faith in Councilwoman Rose and believed the $700,000 in the budget to rebuild Cromwell Center, Staten Island’s largest community center, would be used to benefit children of the North Shore neighborhood. “I think she did well in making sure that there was going to be jobs for Staten Islanders, and particularly neighborhoods of color, in which there is great amount of unemployment, and this is good, and this is going to be sustainable in career jobs and not just something temporary,” Settles said.
Bobby Digi, president of the North Shore Business Association, said the development would be good for the Staten Island community, which he said has been the least recognized of all the New York boroughs.
It will “bring jobs to the neighborhood,” which has been “underserved for many years and has the highest rate of unemployment in the city,” he said. Digi also said the community would benefit from “real infrastructural development” — roads, lights and sewage systems. These costs have been allocated in the budget and it is “a perfect opportunity to get certain sections of the community improved,” he said.
According to Richard Marin, president and CEO of the New York Wheel, the wheel is sited where the city wanted it, and the company signed a 99-year lease with the city for the land. “We wanted to have a giant observation wheel on the harbor, they wanted us to put it in this location, they own this land, it was perfectly situated so that we can get the perfect view of the wheel from anywhere in the harbor,” he said.
Marin said the company had about a dozen investors. He compared the New York Wheel to the Eiffel Tower, noting, “You can’t think of Paris without thinking of the Eiffel Tower.” He added that it’s the same with the London Eye.
“There’s something about the circle,” he said, it has “a certain purity to it, because it’s perfection in a sort of geometrical sense.”
The New York Harbor “is the gateway to America,” said Marin. “It faces the Statue of Liberty, and we thought that framing the gateway to America with a wheel was a perfect symbol for the next 99 years of both the beauty of the location of New York Harbor, the significance of the spot …where all the cruise ships and all the immigrants sort of passed through.”
“We’ve picked a spot where the public transportation is perfect, the views are perfect, the totality of the harbor experience is perfect and quite frankly, with the kind of lighting we’re gonna do on it at night, facing the harbor, it’s gonna be a magnificent addition to the skyline of New York,” Marin said.
By Thomas Seubert
Most New Yorkers will tell you that it’s crazy to drive into Manhattan because of traffic congestion and tight parking, but in the outer boroughs, some neighborhoods’ parking situations rival Manhattan’s.
Like Fordham Road in the Bronx and Atlantic Avenue in Brooklyn, the Austin Street area of Forest Hills, a shopping district, also has a shortage of parking. An abundance of cars traveling on the commercial stretch coupled with city-regulated parking makes the area a particularly difficult place to find parking.
To the south of Austin Street, roads become private, and while nonresidents can drive through, only members of a Forest Hills gated community can park there. To the north, the multi-lane Queens Boulevard distances Austin Street’s patrons, commuters and business owners from any additional parking spaces. And most streets in the area are posted with alternate-side parking signs.
The scarcity of parking on Austin Street causes some people to just double-park their cars and trucks, causing traffic back-ups.
“One day a truck needed to unload and had nowhere to pull in,” said Eric Isaac, who works in the area. “Cars in that lane didn’t move for seven light changes. Surprisingly, people only started beeping after the third light change.”
According to Isaac, who lives in Forest Hills, the few who do find parking spaces on or around Austin Street aren’t finished fighting the parking battle.
“People are always out running to refill meters or switch their cars to the other side of the street on alternate-side parking days,” he said. “That’s just how it works here.”
Will Niklaus, a commuter, drives into Forest Hills to park and then continue on to Manhattan by mass transit. Like most commuters, Niklaus cannot park at meters with one- or two-hour limits and is forced to search alternate-side parking streets for spaces.
“I have to leave earlier when it’s an alternate-side parking day,” Niklaus said. “I spend more time searching for a spot, and I end up three blocks further from where I want to be.”
He said he understood the logic of alternate-side parking—no parking on one said allows the streets to be cleaned—but thought the city should amend when these regulations are put into affect. “The city should change the times of alternate-side parking to nights or early evenings so it won’t affect commuters trying to get to school or work,” he said.
The city’s Department of Transportation doesn’t view alternate-side parking as a hindrance. A 2008 study conducted by the DOT in Park Slope, Brooklyn, determined that “parking saturation” is the same no matter the status of alternate-side parking, and that almost 50 percent of New Yorkers feel parking is equally difficult whether alternate-side rules are suspended or implemented.
In Forest Hills, where many factors affect parking, local government bodies are guarded when it comes to discussing the parking situation faced by commuters, residents and visitors. Frank Galluscio, the district manager of Queens Community Board 6, meets with the local police and fire captains every month to discuss various issues in the community.
“Parking is always on our agenda,” Galluscio said. “We monitor ticket statistics compiled by the police department.” Though crime and moving-violation statistics are available on the 112th precinct’s website, parking summonses are not currently public record. “We take this issue very seriously,” Galluscio added.
The community board tries to work with business owners when parking interferes with their daily operations.
“The Chamber of Commerce offers merchants deals when it comes to parking, sometimes in the form of parking permits,” said Galluscio. “Our goal is to keep things running smoothly…We just look to realistically communicate that parking is tight here.”
In addition to parking permits, private lots work out deals with business owners who need to come and go as they please. The district manager cites a concert held last summer as an example of exemplary communication with local businesses and the public.
Mumford & Sons, a British rock/folk band, performed at Forest Hills Tennis Stadium, a few blocks from Austin Street, drawing an estimated 16,000 people to the area. Streets were closed to traffic, and a lot of parking was reserved for concert personnel.
“People were told parking would be a premium and wouldn’t be available that night,” Galluscio said. “Concert tickets were labeled ‘Green Event’ and encouraged people to take the MTA or LIRR trains to the show,” referring to the Metropolitan Transportation Authority and the Long Island Rail Road.
Local businesses welcomed the influx of people coming into Forest Hills even though it meant less parking was available. One Forest Hills business owner said: “Businesses just need accessibility. As long as people can get here…that’s most important.”
On the day of the concert, Station House, a bar that sits between the tennis stadium and Austin Street, was packed. Paolo Chioni, a server at the restaurant was working the night of the concert and recalled, “We definitely were not affected negatively by the concert. A lot of people came into the bar after the show ended,” adding, “Even regularly, it seems a lack of parking doesn’t really hurt us. People either walk here or just look for parking…a little further away.”
Patrons of the local businesses—who have to drive to get to the area—feel they are the ones left out of the situation. In addition to commuting into Forest Hills, Niklaus enjoys going to restaurants and shops in the area but often opts not to visit his favorite hangouts.
“If I’m looking for something quick, easy or convenient, I won’t go over to Austin Street. Parking is too tough,” Niklaus said.
For Galluscio and Community Board 6, protecting the parking spots on Austin Street and open, realistic communication with the public are the keys to the situation.
“Right now we don’t want to lose any more parking spots than we already have…People understand parking is something they have to contend with,” Galluscio said. “They don’t love it, but they understand it.”
By Crystal Simbudyal
Shanel Mendonca, a mother from Queens Village who works full time, sometimes until late in the evening, often arrives home to find a neon orange cone blocking the pavement in front of her neighbor’s home. Sometimes, it’s a garbage can that blocks her way. But the purpose is always the same: to reserve a parking space. Her neighbors’ driveways remains empty most of the time.
“It is ridiculous that people hold parking spaces,” said Mendonca. “To avoid conflicts with my neighbors, I just park a few blocks up and take a walk several minutes to and from my car.”
Street parking, a first-come, first-serve aspect of life in New York City, has become a source of strife in Queens Village. Block after block, orange traffic cones and garbage cans stand in the street, rankling relationships among neighbors who jockey over scarce parking spaces.
Mendonca, a Queens Village resident of 17 years, faces this problem everyday, as her next door neighbors hold a parking space every time they leave their home. Mendonca’s family often needs to park more than one car, so if her driveway is full, she has to park on the street. The situation, she said, “has become frustrating.”
Among the 7,588 households in Queens Village, 46 percent own at least two cars and another 38 percent own one car, according to the 2013, Queens Village Census Data & Community Profile.
Police officers say it is often difficult to determine whether a cone has been legally placed or not. Cones can indicate a range of issues “from temporary construction or a dumpster drop across the street from a house that is going under construction,” said a local police officer who asked not to be identified.
While reserving a private spot on a public street is illegal, the Police Department seems to have little appetite for enforcement, judging by the widespread use of cones and garbage cans to save spots.
Mendonca said she had called 311 on several occasions to report her concern about parking spots being held but has never gotten a positive response. “Cops do not do anything about this,” she said. “They hardly ever pass through this block anyway, and a few blocks over orange cones take over the road.” She notes that people prefer to park curbside instead of in their driveways because it is often harder to navigate in and out of a driveway.
Mendonca recalled an instance when her sister moved a garbage can out of the street so that she could park. Her neighbor waited patiently for her to get out of her car. He then told her that she was in his spot.
Kamey Tywarie, a Queens Village resident of 13 years, said the problem began about four years ago when more businesses opened in the neighborhood.
“There is a home health agency building up the road from me and employees and visitors come in the morning and take up parking,” said Tywarie.
Another problem, said Tywarie, are the commuters who take mass transit and park their vehicles near the subways when they go to work or school.
Once, Tywarie says, her car was scratched with a nail along the sides after she parked in front of a Queens Village home. It wasn’t until a year later that one of her neighbors warned her against parking in the area. “I never reported it because I didn’t have enough proof,” Tywarie said.
Text and photos by Alok Chowdhury
For all the wealth of the United States, homelessness remains an acute problem, with more than 643,000 people homeless on any given night, according to the National Alliance to End Homelessness.
Roughly a third of the homeless are families and two-thirds are individuals, the organization estimates, and about 17 percent are “chronically homeless.” Many of these people have serious psychological issues or substance abuse problems; many of them have been in treatment programs in the past yet remain homeless.
Military veterans are among the homeless. The Departments of Veterans Affairs (and Housing and Urban Development in a 2010 report to Congress estimated that 76,000 veterans experience homelessness on any given night. They include people who have served in conflicts starting with World War II, though research indicates that those serving in Vietnam and post-Vietnam eras are at greatest risk of homelessness. Veterans returning from Afghanistan and Iraq often have severe disabilities that are known to be correlated with homelessness. Homeless women veterans are more common than in the past.
In New York City, each night more than 45,000 people — including 17,000 children — experience homelessness, according to Coalition for the Homeless. At least 41,200 homeless men, women, and children bed down each night in municipal homeless shelters, and thousands more sleep on the streets or in other forms of rough shelter.
Here are some of them, identified by given names or nicknames only.