By Gabriel Rivera
Strong turnout among Arizona’s Native American voters during the 2020 presidential election helped Joe Biden secure a key win in the battleground state and propel him to the White House.
Grassroots voter registration on reservations, facilitated by an infusion of funding from Democratic Party organizations, resulted in up to 13 percent increases in turnout in some voting precincts on reservations and tens of thousands of more votes from tribal communities statewide, according to an analysis by The Associated Press.
The big question in Arizona political circles now is whether Native voters will match those numbers in the 2022 midterm elections, where their ballots will be pivotal to key races for secretary of state, governor, U.S. Senate and seats in the House and state legislature.
Early indications show replicating the 2020 turnout will be difficult.
Diminished voter outreach to tribal communities and more than 50 Republican-backed bills in the state legislature designed to restrict access to ballots and polls threatens to jeopardize the progress made in mobilizing the voter bloc two years ago.

“More people had the opportunity to vote the way it was set up (in 2020), and I don’t know, in the next election, if we’re going to go back to the way it was,” said Martin Harvier, president of the Salt River Pima-Maricopa Indian Community, just east of Phoenix. “But every year, in our state legislature, there’s always things that are being introduced, and it seems like it’s always a detriment to the tribal communities, almost preventing people to vote, whether it’s an ID or your physical address that’s needed.”
Since elections fall under state jurisdiction, voter accessibility among Native Americans is largely determined by the willingness of the state to work with tribal communities.
Arizona has a decades-long history of suppressing the Native vote, subjecting tribal members to literacy tests and poll taxes. Now, Arizona is disenfranchising tribal communities through legislation disguised as election security.
A law passed earlier this year requires all Arizona voters to prove their citizenship to cast a ballot in federal elections and newly registered voters to provide proof of address. The latter provision threatens rural parts of tribal communities, where residents often have a P.O. box instead of a permanent address.
An artifact of Arizona’s ongoing history of voter suppression is its decentralized election system, which entrusts individual counties with implementing a variety of election policies. The result is that policies relating to things like polling locations, drop boxes and whether a vote will be discarded because the person voted at the wrong polling place vary from county to county in Arizona.
Half of all reservations in Arizona are bisected or trisected by county lines, forcing some members of the same tribe to follow different county election policies, confounding the process of voter registration and casting a ballot.
“After almost every establishment or expansion of a reservation (in Arizona), it was followed by the creation of new county lines,” said Torey Dolan, a Native Vote Fellow with the Indian Legal Clinic of the Arizona State University Sandra Day O’Connor College of Law.
Dolan, who is a citizen of the Choctaw Nation, noted this dynamic has occurred with about half of all tribes in Arizona, creating additional institutional barriers to disenfranchise tribal communities.
“The system was not built for Natives to participate,” added Dolan.
Navajo Nation, which is the largest tribe in the United States and inhabits land the size of West Virginia, is trisected by Arizona’s county lines. The three counties it is divided into — Coconino, Navajo and Apache — each have a distinct model of voting with different restrictions on where to physically cast a ballot.
The Arizona Democratic Party sought to organize at the county level when it launched “Project 15/30” last summer. It was a year-round community building effort designed to educate and register voters in the state’s 15 counties and 30 legislative districts.
State Democrats lauded the initiative as a proactive measure ahead of the 2022 midterms, as they hoped the program’s emphasis on grassroots organizing would preserve the left’s progress in Arizona, including increasing the Native vote, and defend against disinformation and voter suppression efforts targeted at minority voter blocs.
But since its launch, the state Democratic Party has folded “Project 15/30” back into its existing electoral projects, said Charlie Fisher, executive director of the Arizona Democratic Party.
He said the ADP still has a full-time deputy political director whose job is to build and strengthen relationships with the state’s 22 tribal nations, mainly working with tribal leaders to support their volunteer efforts. Fisher added that the state party had contributed to both the Navajo and Apache County Democratic parties in 2021 and planned to do so again this year.
But Jaynie Parrish, the executive director of the Navajo County Democrats, said the state party could do more.

Since 2020, Parrish and the small group of community organizers that compose the Navajo County Democrats have mobilized onto reservations and operated phone-bank and voter-registration events tailored to Arizona’s tribal communities. This is a year-round effort to educate and encourage those they consider “high potential voters” to get in the habit of casting a ballot, all while on a strapped budget and with limited support from Democratic organizers.
“They’re just not there,” Parrish, the executive director of the Navajo County Democrats, said regarding the Democrats’ voter outreach efforts to tribal communities. “They just can’t move like we can, they can’t make decisions as quickly as we can. If we want to do something, we do it.”
Fisher said that since the tribal nations are at different stages of reopening their lands during the pandemic, much of the state party’s activity is done remotely.
Many tribal leaders and voting activists also have noted the largest threat to the Native turnout for the upcoming midterms is the unknown effect of voter suppression bills working their way through the GOP-led state legislature.
While some proposed bills are designed to make voting harder, the state’s GOP is also passing legislation designed to subvert voter outreach efforts. A ban on private funding for election administrators enacted recently by the Arizona state legislature will prohibit counties from receiving grants to help run elections and voter outreach on the pretext of expunging external influences from state elections.
But some of the most underfunded counties in the state that benefited from private grants from nonprofit organizations are home to tribal communities, and the extra money in many cases went to political advertisements and outreach personalized to Native voters, which in large part catalyzed voter turnout in 2020.
With less money coming from outside donors, counties will likely divert funds and voter registration and education resources away from reservations to get the most “bang for their buck” when it comes to outreach, according to Dolan.
Parrish’s team is currently contextualizing the latest voting changes in Arizona to educate tribal communities, adapt their voter outreach model and determine ways to support under-resourced county offices that may struggle to galvanize the Native vote because of the latest ban on private funds.
But her effort can only go so far without the sustained support of the Democratic party, she said.
“We’re giving you our plans, we’re telling you what to do, we’re making the roadmap for you like, I don’t know how much easier we can make this for you guys without charging a consulting fee, which you paid someone from D.C. $10,000-plus to figure it out for you, but they don’t know anything about our community,” Parrish said.