Allende’s Presidency

Work Cited:

Allende, Salvador. Document 28 “Final Speech.” Brown University Library, 1973 

Allende, Salvador. Speech to the United Nations (excerpts), 1972 

Allende, Salvador. “The Chilean Road to Socialism.” In Problems in Modern Latin American History: Sources and Interpretations, edited by James A. Wood and Anna Rose Alexander, 7-12. 5th ed. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2019.

Blum, William. Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Interventions since World War II. Zed Books, 2014.

Clark, Victor Figueroa. Salvador Allende: Revolutionary Democrat. Pluto Press, 2013.

Dawson, Alexander. Latin America since Independence a History with Primary Sources. Vol. 3, ROUTLEDGE, 2022.

De Onis, Juan. “The World.” The New York Times, 5 Dec.1971.

Kissinger, Henry. The White House, Memorandum for the President from Henry Kissinger, “NSC Meeting, November 6 – Chile,” SECRET, 1970

Power, Margaret. “The 1964 Scare Campaign.” In Problems in Modern Latin American History: Sources and Interpretations, edited by James A. Wood and Anna Rose Alexander, 7-12. 5th ed. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2019.

Stern, J. Steve. “Opening Chile’s Memory Box. “In Problems in Modern Latin American History: Sources and Interpretations, edited by James A. Wood and Anna Rose Alexander, 7-12. 5th ed. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2019.

Winn, Peter. “Chile’s Revolution from Below.” In Problems in Modern Latin American History: Sources and Interpretations, edited by James A. Wood and Anna Rose Alexander, 7-12. 5th ed. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2019.

Allende’s Presidency

Work Cited:

Allende, Salvador. “The Chilean Road to Socialism.” In Problems in Modern Latin American History: Sources and Interpretations, edited by James A. Wood and Anna Rose Alexander, 7-12. 5th ed. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2019.

Blum, William. Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Interventions since World War II. Zed Books, 2014.

Clark, Victor Figueroa. Salvador Allende: Revolutionary Democrat. Pluto Press, 2013.

Dawson, Alexander. Latin America since Independence a History with Primary Sources. Vol. 3, ROUTLEDGE, 2022.

Winn, Peter. “Chile’s Revolution from Below.” In Problems in Modern Latin American History: Sources and Interpretations, edited by James A. Wood and Anna Rose Alexander, 7-12. 5th ed. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2019.

Cuba’s Family Code Referendum

Lage/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Cuba Approves Same-Sex Marriage in Historic Vote


As the Cuban revolutionaries quickly gained ground in their 1958 offensive and were able to oust dictator Fulgencio Batista on the eve of the new year, it signaled to all around the world the momentous changes awaiting the restless nation. Spearheaded by Che Guevera, the revolutionaries wanted to recultivate their spark of revolution by essentially remaking Cuba and, by extension, the world. By adopting a new utopian way of thinking, they tried to diversify and industrialize the country, launch literacy campaigns and proclaim the formation of a new consciousness, a “new man.” (Dawson 214). The “new man” was literal; women and sexuality were to be relegated to a conservative framework as before.    For all of their posture of progressive revolution, the creation of the “new man” was a relic of Latin America’s machismo attitude. Like caudillos of the past, Fidel Castro’s bombastic attitude and heterosexual masculinity were lionized all the meanwhile homosexuals were being prosecuted as their sexuality was perceived as debauchery (Dawson 214). Those who failed to fit the classification of cis-hetero males were either subjugated or reduced to subservience. 

Efforts were made to rectify the issues of patriarchal domination as by the 1960s, women found it easier to pursue a career, get a divorce, make their own reproductive decisions and in 1975 passed, the Family Code requiring men to divide the labor in the household to mixed results (Dawson 215). In an interview with Carmen Lira for the Mexican newspaper, La Jornada, Fidel Castro apologizes and takes full blame for the persecution of homosexuals during the 60s and 70s, who were subjected to imprisonment or firing squads. There is no justification for the leader’s action; however, Castro attempts to paint the picture of what he and the country were dealing with during that period. According to Castro, the threat of the CIA had made him oblivious to the plight of homosexuals (BBC Staff 2010). In 2008, it would be Fidel Castro’s niece, Mariela Castro (and director of the National Center for Sex Education), who would be the one to call for radical changes toward gay and transexual rights. Attempting to sway the Cuban National Assembly to pass legislation recognizing same-sex unions and allowing transexuals free transition operations, the proposed legislation excluded adoption and marriage out of fear of stiff resistance, further delaying the law (Voss 2008).  

It was not until September 2022 that Cuba successfully passed a referendum allowing same-sex couples to marry and adopt (Medina 2022). Whenever these western articles mention the passing of these “family laws,” there is an emphasis on the legalization of same-sex marriage; while the law has made same-sex marriage legal, it goes beyond that and further deconstructs the nuclear family unit that is seen as typical within a heteronormative society like Latin America. The 100-page law allows surrogate pregnancies, further protection for grandparents and children, and measures against gender violence (Medina 2022).

 Gay marriage has never been seen as the end goal for the LGBTQ community; it is for the total acceptance of who they are and who they choose to be that fills them with aspiration. Unfortunately, the articles and the titles that proliferate them make it seem as if Cuba is just now “catching up” to the western world. Although the law is a sign of progress, nearly 33% of the population opposed the law, as a large number of these individuals were members of the growing evangelical movement. But as more Latin American countries adopt same-sex marriage, like Costa Rica in 2020, the region can start to strip away the notion of machismo as “love is law in the island of freedom”(Medina 2022).    


Work Cited:

BBC Staff. “Fidel Castro Takes Blame for Persecution of Cuban Gays.” BBC News, 31 Aug. 2010.

Dawson, Alexander. Latin America since Independence a History with Primary Sources. Vol. 3, ROUTLEDGE, 2022.

Medina, Eduardo. “Cuba Approves Same-Sex Marriage in Historic Vote.” The New York Times, 26 Sept. 2022. 

Voss, Michael. “Castro Champions Gay Rights in Cuba.” BBC News, 17 Mar. 2008. 

Death of a Revolutionary

Che Guevara after his execution on October 9, 1967


A 1939 Norton 500cc motorcycle races through the rural countryside of South America, snaking its way up the roads and encountering the beauty and the ugly truths that the land has to offer; the odyssey will capitulate a naive 23-year-old medical student to becoming one of the centuries most controversial figures.


Ernesto “Che” Guevera, his iconic portrait by Alberto Korda, is adorned on the shirts of budding rebels to murals on the side of schools is a testament to the lasting legacies of the Marxist revolutionary who helped to overthrow the Batista regime in Cuba. In the midst of the Cold War, the Cuban revolution opened up new possibilities throughout the third world; no longer would countries have to be “vassals” to the United States or other imperialist nations; instead, they could choose to side with the Soviet Union in the hopes of acquiring greater autonomy over their affairs. Not oblivious to the significance of the successful revolt and counter-attack against American back troops in the Bay of Pigs invasion, Che hoped to spread the Communist revolution throughout the world. Creating the Ministry of Exporting Revolution, Guevara traveled to the Congo and Bolivia in the hopes of manufacturing “100 Vietnams” to contest the imperialist core (Woods et al. 210). After failing to recruit more revolutionaries in the Congo, he headed to Bolivia in hopes of better luck under the pseudonym, Adolfo Mena Gonzalez (Anderson 669). However, in less than a year, Che and his comrades would be surrounded by the Bolivian military with no chance of escape. Captured, Che spent his last few hours in a location that would have ignited his journey in the first place, a dilapidated mud-walled schoolhouse left in “a state of poverty that depresses the heart” (Anderson 704).


Declassified CIA documents offer us a glimpse into the final hours of Guevera’s life in La Higuera; his exchange with his captors is charged with stubborn resistance and ideal, or naive, affirmations of the future of Latin America. Although the name is censored in the original document by the CIA director, Richard Helms, the CIA operative assigned was Felix Rodriguez. Rodriguez’s attempt to interrogate Che about the whereabouts of other revolutionaries failed but managed to coax him into a conversion. Discussing a wide array of topics, from former fallen comrades to his failures in the Congo, Che arrives at the topic of Cuba’s economic situation, describing Cuba as the “only self-sufficient country in the socialist world.” In a plan to shift away from Cuba’s reliance on sugar export, the young revolutionaries wanted to diversify and industrialize the country; Che played a vital role in this endeavor as he would helm the title of Minister of Industry until 1964 (Dawson 214). However, the idealism present in Che’s early doctrine to shift away from individualism and cultivate a new consciousness in the Cuban people had failed, and so had economic diversification as the government encountered food shortages in 1962 (Dawson 216). Che retorts that the production of meat would make Cuba self-sufficient; eventually, Cuba will begin to export this product to further help their dire situation.


As Rodriquez and Guevera’s conversation continues, Che is able to pick up that Rodriquez is not Bolivian. Suspecting that Rodriquez is either Puerto Rican or Cuban, Rodriquez responded by affirming that he is, in fact, Cuban and part of the CIA-trained anti-Castro 2506 Brigade, to which Che responds with a simple “ha” (Anderson 706). Perhaps Che recalled all those Castro speeches in which he condemned “gusanos,” pro-American anti-revolutionaries who fled on the eve of the revolution, or he found it painfully ironic. Che was able to repeal the Bay of Pig invaders, only to be snared by one six years later. In these exchanges, Rodriguez’s hatred for the man seemed to dissipate; it is impossible to say if Che’s feelings were mutual. Orders had come from the Bolivian High Command to have Che executed, and orders were orders. Rodriguez asked if Che had any final messages for his family; Che exclaimed, “tell Fidel that he will soon see a triumphant revolution in America.” Whether he believed it or not mattered very little; it was principles that drove Che, and it was principles that he would die with. Rodriquez embraced Che and let destiny take its course.


Among the captured documents from Che in La Higuera were two volumes of his Bolivian Campaign diaries, from which the CIA took extensive notes. A notable aspect of Che’s campaign in Bolivia was the limited amount of resources they began with. Similar to that of the Cuban revolution, they gambled on recruiting more rebels as they made their way into the countryside as per Che’s doctrine of guerilla warfare (Che 212). Many of these original rebels and later recruited rebels were not of Bolivian origins. Two Cubans and one Bolivian accompanied his arrival to the country; eventually, he amassed an army of 40, of which half were Cubans who entered the country via Porto Alegre. A notable figure among these revolutionaries was Juan Pablo Chang Navarro, a Peruvian of Chinese origins, who offered 20 other Peruvians to join the fight; however, he was only able to bring two. In keeping with the ideals of people like Augusto Sandino and Simon Bolivar, Che “internationalized” his band of guerillas (Rostow 3). Being accused of invasion rather than revolution by Lieutenant Colonel Andres Selich, Che, with his principle of Pan-Americanism, claims that he is Argentinian, Cuban, Bolivian, Peruvian, Ecuadorian, etc. To Che, these borders were arbitrary, borders carved out by former colonizers. For the revolutionaries, they were headed toward success; however, the conditions in Bolivia were not suitable for such a violent swing toward upheaval. The government was able to tame the revolution in the 1950s through the nationalization of the tin mines and enacting land reforms. This, coupled with Che’s break from the Bolivian Communists, made the situation volatile and uncertain, eventually leading to his capture.

Mario Terán entered the rooms, stumbling, eager to avenge the death of his friends at the hands of the guerillas. Hesitant, Che’s last words to him and the world were, “Shoot, coward, you are only going to kill a man.” Terán pulls the trigger, remembering his orders to make it seem as if Che died in a firefight. Blood fills his lungs; Che bites down on one of his wrists to prevent himself from crying out. On October 9, 1967, Ernesto “Che” Guevara passed away.


Documents:

CIA Memorandum, Richard Helms to Dean Rusk et al., “Statements by Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara Prior to his Execution in Bolivia,” October 13, 1967 (declassified August 26, 2007)

NSC Note, Walt Rostow to President Johnson, [attaching CIA Intelligence Information Cable, subject: “highlights of ‘Che’ Guevara’s Diary”], October 21, 1967 (declassified January 10, 2011)


Works Cited:

Anderson, Jon Lee. Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life. Grove Press, 2010.

Dawson, Alexander. Latin America since Independence a History with Primary Sources. Vol. 3, ROUTLEDGE, 2022.

Guevara, Che. “Essence of Guerilla Warfare” In, Problems in Modern Latin American History: Sources and Interpretations, edited by James A. Wood and Anna Rose Alexander, 16-21. 5th ed. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2019.  

Wood, James A. and Anna Rose Alexander, editors. Problems in Modern Latin American History: Sources and Interpretations. 5th ed. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2019.               

The Ever-Faithful Isle

Tulane University Digital Library, Viva Cuba Libre, Composed by Ruby Mallory Kennedy, 1898, Physical rights are retained by the Hogan Jazz Archive. Copyright is retained in accordance with U.S. copyright laws.

The ever-faithful isle, Cuba. Its sugar canes stand strong like the palm trees that populate its pristine beaches. Yet, beneath this facade of a loyal paradise lay a fractured society built on fear. The illusion would be shattered, and a new age would commence; however, is it one of independence and harmony? 

As most of the colonies of North and South America exploded into a period of revolution from 1776-1825, Cuba remained a bastion of loyalty for the Spanish empire in the western hemisphere (Ferrer 151). With the Haitian Revolution resulting in the end of the sugar industry on the island, Cuban planters exploited this uncontested market and started to cultivate more sugar cane and import more enslaved people (Dawson 70). With Cuba still relying heavily on slavery to maintain its place in the world market, it made little sense to emancipate themselves from the Spaniards; furthermore, the brutality inflicted during the Haitian war of independence still lingered on the mind of the white planter. Shall they face the same fate if a war of independence were to break out? For them, it was either Spanish or African. (Ferrer 152). 

However, this Louisiana sheet music dating to 1898, composed by Ruby Mallory Kennedy, offers us a glimpse into the long struggle for independence on the island and the dissatisfaction the Cuban people had towards the paternal Spaniard. Titled after the famous battle cry by Cuban Nationalist, Viva Cuba Libre contains lyrics such as “The North and South are one at last, Viva, Cuba libre!…. The Blue and Gray, both true and tried, will march, Will march to battle side by side, Viva, Cuba libre!” (Kennedy 5). References to the American Civil War are echoed to highlight the unity of the late 19th-century United States. Now united, they will march alongside Cuban rebels toward their independence and kick out the oppressive Spaniards from the western hemisphere. This solidarity lay in the sinking of the Maine by supposed Spanish enemies, leading many to call for war against Spain in 1898.   

The United States may have played a crucial role in the independence of Cuba from Spain in 1898; however, that wasn’t always the case. The war of independence the sheet music references is only the most current from a series of two previous anti-colonial rebellions spanning over thirty years (Ferrer 152). The third and final one commencing in 1895, was one filled with rhetoric of antiracism and racial equality, expressed by revolutionary intellectuals such as José Marti and showcased by Nationalist leaders such as Antonio Maceo. This notion of “no whites nor blacks, but only Cubans” and racial integration, stood against the ideals of the United States, as postwar South was a hotbed of racial inequality and segregation (Ferrer 153). With Cuban rebels poised to remove this racial line after the revolution, it acted as a bulwark against the growing racial divide seen in the states.  

While the US intervention in the Caribbean helped to establish the new nation, this was just the beginning of the United States’ growing empire. Gaining the Philipines in the aftermath of the Spanish-American War, the U.S. claw would dig itself deeper into the soil of the globe, especially Latin America. This sheet music tells a story of solidarity between the two nations; however, after the war, there was an imbalance on who would be the one to determine the outcome of Cuba’s future. The exertion of the Monroe Doctrine helped to justify the U.S. intervention in the region to rectify the perceived deficiencies Latin America had. Had the Spaniards been replaced with a much larger enemy?  “Viva Cuba Libre” would once again be cried out by the 26th of July rebels in 1953, to oust the Batista dictatorship on the eve of the new year. This would only further complicate and strain the relationship between the two nations as the ragtag team of rebels was composed of outspoken communists, unsympathetic to America’s presence in the country (Dawson 209). The hostility between Cuba and its neighbor to its north persists to this very day; a far cry from 1898, once marching alongside one another to the beat of victory.


In order to view the sheet music in its entirety.


Works Cited:

Dawson, Alexander. Latin America since Independence a History with Primary Sources. Vol. 3, ROUTLEDGE, 2022.

Ferrer, Ada. “A Raceless Nation.” In, Problems in Modern Latin American History: Sources and Interpretations, edited by James A. Wood and Anna Rose Alexander, 16-21. 5th ed. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2019.

Kennedy, Ruby Mallory. “Viva Cuba Libre.” Viva Cuba Libre | Tulane University Digital Library, https://digitallibrary.tulane.edu/islandora/object/tulane%3A18871.

Epoch of Happiness

JCB Archive of Early American Images, Accession number 05771, S. M. El Rei D João VI de Portugal, e toda a Familia Real, embarcando para o Brazil, no cáes de Belem, em 27 de Novembro de 1807.

The miasma of chaos and confusion gripped the air of Lisbon. Caravans of soon-to-be refugees piled on top of one another on the streets of Belém, reducing once “illustrious members of Portuguese society” to a blob of despair and desperation. 

The engraved illustration, dated to 1819, depicts the Portuguese prince regent Dom Joãn VI and his family fleeing the French invasion of Portugal on November 27, 1807. As portrayed in the illustration, a large caravan of coaches sits on the right side of the image. According to historian Kirsten Schultz, almost seven hundred coaches brought the royal family and their subjects to the harbor of Belém. An impressive armada of people hoping to join the royal family (House of Braganza) on their journey to Brazil, the soon-to-be de facto capital of the Portuguese Empire. Some were even desperate enough to test their luck and paddle their way onto a ship, only to be met with water filling their lungs and drowning, as one observer noted. [1]

We can assume the gentleman with the bright white trousers in the near center of the image is the prince regent, Dom Joãn VI, himself, almost standing out unfazed by the chaos surrounding him. His son, Pedro, may also be depicted among the crowd. Only nine years old when they arrived in Brazil, he would later become a key figure in the independence of Brazil. [2]

Thirty ships disembarked on their journey with the help of the British Royal Navy. Sailing past the tower of Belém, which could be seen in the background of the engraving. The journey was not one of luxury one would expect from those close to the royal family but one of suffering and saudade (nostalgic longing). The tropical haze left a toll on the new arrivals, as one royal archivist, Luiz Marrócos, recalls. Churches “continually announcing deaths” and burying 300 people native to Lisbon. [3] While those exiled from Lisbon had a deep hatred of living in Rio de Janeiro, those Brazilian-born saw the arrival of Dom Joãn VI as “the Epoch of Happiness.” According to cleric Luiz Gonçalves dos Santos, the prince regent worked to rectify the problems seen within the colony, thus breaking the chain that many Brazilians believed they were bound to. A new level of prestige was brought upon the city with the formation of royal academies, a royal treasury, and a Bank of Brazil, putting into place an era of increased trade and prosperity. [4] What once went to Portugal was now coming into Brazil. Imports from all around the globe, from Africa to India and China, were going to the doorsteps of the ever-growing colony. 

The hasty retreat of the royal family to Brazil was just one of the many examples of the crises from the Napoleonic wars that catapulted Latin America into the era of independence—stripping away the illusion of needing a paternal overseer from across the sea. Declaring independence on November 7, 1822, Dom Pedro ushered in a relatively peaceful transition from colony to an independent kingdom. However, one devoid of liberal rhetoric due to Brazil’s dependence on slavery, something the liberal cortes, back in Portugal, were poised to abolish. [5]


Works Cited:

Schultz, Kirsten. “Tropical Versailles.” In, Problems in Modern Latin American History: Sources and Interpretations, edited by James A. Wood and Anna Rose Alexander, 16-21. 5th ed. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2019.

Dawson, Alexander. Latin America since Independence a History with Primary Sources. Vol. 3, ROUTLEDGE, 2022.


References:

[1] Schultz, “Tropical Versailles”, 44

[2] Schultz, “Tropical Versailles” 43 

[3] Schultz, “Tropical Versailles”, 45

[4] Schultz, “Tropical Versailles”, 47

[5] Dawson, Latin America since Independence a History with Primary Sources, 14-15