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Kimberlé Crenshaw

Kimberlé Crenshaw, pioneer of intersectionality

“Intersectionality is a lens through which you can see where power comes and collides, where it interlocks and intersects. It’s not simply that there’s a race problem here, a gender problem here, and a class or LBGTQ problem there. Many times that framework erases what happens to people who are subject to all of these things” –Kimberlé Crenshaw on Intersectionality, More Than Two Decades Later

Kimberlé Crenshaw is a pioneer in coining the term, “intersectionality” and is a prominent figurehead in promoting critical race theory in conjunction with intersectional feminism.

Kimberlé Crenshaw is a full-time professor at Columbia’s Law School and helped to co-author with Andrea Ritchie, “Say Her Name: Resisting Police Brutality Against Black Women, which documented and drew attention to the killing of Black women and girls by police. Crenshaw and AAPF subsequently launched the #SayHerName campaign to call attention to police violence against Black women and girls.”

Word Warriors #SayHerName by Aja Monet

I am a woman carrying other women
in my mouth
behold a sister
a daughter
a mother
dear friend
spirits demystify
on my tongue

they gather to breath
and exhale a dance with the death we know
is not the end all these nameless
bodies haunted by pellet wounds in their chests
listen for them and the saying of a name you cannot pronounce

black and woman is a sort of magic
you cannot hash tag
the mere weight
of it too vast to be held

we hold ourselves
an inheritance felt between the hips
womb of soft darkness portal of light
watch them envy the revolution of our movement
how we break open to give life flow

while the terror of our tears the torment of our taste
my rage
is righteous my love is righteous
my name
be righteous here what I am not here to say
we too have died we know we are dying too

I am not here to say look at me how I died
so brutal a death I deserve a name to fit all the horror in
I am here to tell you how if they mentioned me
in their protest and their rallies
they would have to face their role in it too
my beauty too

I have died many times before
the blow to the body
I have bled
many months before the bullet to the flesh we know
the body is not the end
call it what you will
but for all the handcuffed wrists of us the shackled
ankles of us
the bend over to make room for you
of us how dare we speak anything less
then I love you

we who love just as loudly in the thunderous
rain as when the Sun shines golden on our skin
and the world kisses us unapologetically we
be so beautiful when we be- how you gonna be free
without me

your freedom tied up
with mine at the nappy edge of my soul
singing for all my sisters watch them stretch their
arms and my voice how they fly open chested
toward your ear
listen for
Rekia Boyd, Tanisha Anderson Yvette Smith
Aiyana Jones
Caleb Moore Shelly Frey
Miriam Carey Kendra James
Alberto Spruill, Tarika Wilson,
Shereese Francis
Shantel Davis, Malissa Williams
Darnisha Harris Michelle Cassell
Pearlie Golden, Kathryn Johnston
Eleanor Bumpers, Natasha McKenna
Sheneque Proctor
We

we will not vanish
and the baited breath of our brothers
show me show me
a man willing to fight beside me
my hand in his the color of courage

there is no mountaintop worth
seeing without us
meet me
in the trenches where we lay our bodies down
in the valley of a voice
say her name

Intersectionality and Black Lives Matter

“Succinctly, by and large, most Black male and Black female
authors writing on the subject seem to agree that many Black
male-Black female relationships today are destructive and
potentially explosive. What they do not agree on, however, are
the causes of the problems existing between Black men and
Black women. As we have seen, some believe that Black men
are the cause. Others contend that Black women contribute
disproportionately to Black male-Black female conflict. Still
other blame White racism solely, using basic assumptions that
may be logically inadequate” Clyde W. Franklin II in Black Male-Black Female Conflict: Individually Caused and Culturally Nurtured

Twitter Searches of Key Terms

I consume Twitter daily and I follow numerous black feminist and intersectional feminists and often see their retweets similar to that of the tweets in searching “black men

black women” into the search bar on there.

In an archived forum posted to PBS.org:

It is frustrating, as a black woman, to have your statements about intraracism by black men answered with a simply “I don’t know”. “It’s not me” or MY black male companion that acts that way”. I’d like to point out that there is (and has always been) vicious color and race discrimination by black men, yet every black male or white female in a relationship with black men- claims it’s not them. Someone has to be lying or deluding themselves.

As for wishing that I could see past skin color. I must admit that that statement irritates me. Why is a black woman called racist for pointing out disciminination against US. If I said ” gee I think black men can’t get cabs because they are black”, no white woman in an interracial relationship would accuse me of not being able to see past the color of the black man or the cab driver? Most interracial couples with black men/white women are only sympathetic when OTHERS are accussed of discrimination.

Black men and white women conveniently forget that it was black women who accepted the many, many non-black women, black men brought into the Black community. Many of these women, mostly the white ones relied on this because they often lost their “white life” when they decided to date or marry a black man. Black women didn’t have to welcome white women. White women weren’t opening up the white community to US and for many complex reasons, black women were largely responsible for the maintanance, income,and basic survival of the very families, communities, and black religious and cultural institutions that black men were bringing white women into.

To watch black men, who claimed they had little power to open the doors to the white world for black women-so frequently open the doors to the black world for white women (even if they weren’t always paying their half of the “rent”)was painful. But, for a long time, black women let white women in. It really hurts me that black men and white women could suggest that black women are bigoted. As if we just discovered that white, latin, and asian women are -SURPRISE- not black!! If black women wanted to attack solely on the bases of race, we could have decades ago.

I won’t stop bringing up the question of intraracism by black men just because it bothers an interracial couple. Anymore than that same interracial couple would stop bringing up the issue of police harrassment of black men- because it makes good cops or their families upset. If there’s a problem (in any way) it MUST BE ADDRESSED! NO FORMS OF DISCRIMINATION CAN GO ON AND NOT CONTAMINATE EVERYBODY- INCLUDING INTERRACIAL COUPLES!

The Importance of Black Lives Matter and Intersectionality in Conjunction is something that is often neglected because stereotypes that perpetuate negative views on black women and black men have them often targeting each other, when in reality it should be them versus the oppressors.

 

I Refuse to Listen to White Women Cry

https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/magazine/wp/2019/09/11/feature/how-activist-rachel-cargle-built-a-business-by-calling-out-racial-injustices-within-feminism/

In April, the activist Rachel Cargle debuted a lecture, “Race 101,” at American University’s inaugural Antiracist Book Festival. Over the course of an hour, Cargle — a 30-year-old undergraduate student in anthropology at Columbia University, who was booked alongside prominent names like DeRay Mckesson, Ijeoma Oluo and Imani Perry — sped through her material: how the conversation around race is really about power; how the realities of race cannot be intellectualized, despite the fact that we were in an academic setting; how race has been defined and changed over history.

“Who has written the books?” she asked the crowd of 100 or so — mostly women, but otherwise split evenly between black and white, millennials and middle-aged, tweedy academics and those wearing floral dresses. “Who gets to be part of the canon? Who are knowers, and who gets to be known?”

Toward the end, she asked another series of questions, this time just for the white people in the room to consider: Whom do I talk to about race? Whom do I not talk to about race? And why?

Continue reading

Black and Asian Feminist Solidarity Letter

Black and Asian Feminist Solidarity Letter

We, Black Women Radicals (BWR) and the Asian American Feminist Collective (AAFC), are committed to practicing solidarity, deepening coalitional relationships, and continuing to build together with intention as Black and Asian American feminist activists and organizers.

In April 2020, in the midst of an ongoing global pandemic, Jaimee Swift, the creator of BWR, reached out to AAFC: “I believe that we need each other and need to learn from one another now more than ever.” This simple act of reaching out with an invitation to engage in dialogue allowed us to come together and begin building a relationship. Later that month, BWR and AAFC co-hosted a conversation, “Siblings in the Struggle,” about how COVID-19 was sparking anti-Asian racism and at the same time disproportionately impacting Black communities. The discussion was an opportunity to put the feminist praxis of solidarity to work and reflect on our interconnected paths to liberation. Ruth Wilson Gilmore, prison abolitionist and Black feminist theorist, talks about crisis as an instability that can bring about radical change through developing new relationships and alignments towards political struggle. The recent resurgence of Black Lives Matter uprisings across the country added urgency to much-needed cross-racial feminist coalition building.

We aren’t the first ones to arrive here. It is imperative we continue to construct a radical Black and Asian -American feminist worldview, while noting we are but an iteration of feminists within a long transnational tradition of Black and Asian feminist movement building.

We pay homage to radical Black and Asian American feminists who, throughout history, have fought alongside one another for collective liberation: Audre Lorde, Grace Lee Boggs, Fran Beal, Gwen Patton, Yuri Kochiyama, Loretta Ross, Pat Sumi, Miriam Ching Yoon Louie, and countless others. These were organizers and movement builders who formed revolutionary coalitions and solidarities and were deeply involved in community-based struggles for welfare rights, labor protections, and civil rights in service of liberation.

Within Black feminist political memory, we can look to several examples of radical Black women in the African diaspora who have worked to build this frame of reference, including Trinidad-and-Tobago born communist and journalist Claudia Jones, who was the founder of the newspaper West Indian Gazette and AfroAsian Caribbean News; Black British radical activists Olive Morris and Stella Dadzie, who were both founding members of the Organization for Women of Asian and African Descent (OWAAD); Afro-Asian activist and founding member of the Combahee River Collective, Dr. Margo Okazawa-Rey; and Denise Oliver-Velez, activist and leader of the Young Lords Party and Black Panther Party.

Feminist writers and scholars like Boggs, Tao Leigh Goffe, Grace Kyongwon Hong, and Tamara Nopper have also shown us that the histories of Afro-Asian interaction and solidarity are deeply shaped by histories of slavery, labor exploitation, and colonialism. This history goes beyond the 20th century, and the fact that it is rooted in a longer history of plantation labor, racial exploitation, and cultural exchange is critical to undoing some of the binaries we see reproduced in our own conceptualization of what Asian/Black communities are.

We recognize that our histories are intrinsically tied together. 

Looking back to histories of Black and Asian American feminist solidarities in movement work can help us think about how our struggles toward liberation are connected and how we create radical change together—especially in our long-standing fights against carceral systems of empire, war, and capitalism.

Calls made by the Combahee River Collective (1974–1980) and the Third World Women’s Alliance (1968–1980) to confront and examine patriarchy within our movements and cultures centered understandings of solidarity through engaging difference. For example, the Third World Women’s Alliance, which emerged out of the Black Women’s Liberation Committee, drew upon different experiences of gendered exploitation and colonialism to show us how building feminist solidarity was a vital part of a revolutionary internationalist movement, signaling that the struggle against imperialism, racism, and patriarchy was a shared one.

These legacies offer us a reflection on how we build collective politics across unequal differences. We are committed to examining our differences alongside our shared oppressions, and we commit to understanding our positionality in these movements in when and how we enter into struggle in order to build together.

Cross-racial organizing is radical and a threat to the state. During the Civil Rights movement, state-sanctioned programs like FBI’s COINTELPRO in the 1960s made concerted efforts to disband groups from building alliances—especially across racial lines—by raising suspicions and pitting organizations against each other.

As we situate this history in the present, we have to reckon with the decades that have since passed—decades that have led to shifting politics around class and race and a more nuanced vision of how imperialism can be perpetuated by countries once in the Third World Alliance. Those of us in the present must reckon with the imbalances of “prestige, power, wealth, authority, and value” and tracing the trajectories of that imbalance.

This legacy of Black-Asian feminist solidarity is alive and well today—in the intertwining of movements for abolition; decolonization and demilitarization; disability justice; reproductive justice; domestic worker, sex worker, and labor rights; environmental justice; and the myriad ways our fight for radical world transformation come together.

To be in relationship and in solidarity with each other, we must attend to how power differentially operates within movement building. Building and sustaining solidarities is difficult, uncomfortable, and messy but crucial work, and the bonds that are created are often both precarious and precious.
 We do not wish to erase our complicated histories as they have catapulted us into this present moment and confirmed our commitments to dismantling the systems of power that have forced us into scarcity mindsets and fighting one another for scraps.

In collaborating on this project, which we will chart across the span of the next two years in monthly installments on AAWW’s The Margins, we hope we can continue to build a Black and Asian feminist politic as collaborators and conspirators in the fight for global liberation, but we also hope this project inspires others to do the same. We hope to stir, shake, disrupt, and dismantle historical and stereotypical notions of Black and Asian American feminist interactions and relationships. We hope that in learning about our collective histories, that we can plant a seed for the futurity of Black and Asian American feminist movement building––one rooted in radical collaboration, unity, and understanding.

What are the radical possibilities of catalyzing cross-racial feminist solidarities, imaginations, and substantive realities? What revolutions must we create within ourselves to dismantle our prejudices, discrimination, and silences to create the world we want to see? In Black and Asian communities, who is it that we are not seeing, elevating, and centering? As we stand firm on the radical Black, Asian, and Third World feminisms that keep us grounded in our praxis, what wisdom from these frameworks should we take with us—and what must be added, subtracted, and multiplied from them so that we can truly get free? How will we be committed to our radical postures and positionalities yet remain humble and vulnerable to the fact that we do not have all the answers? And that we might fail in the process? And that in catalyzing true solidarities, we must reckon with the historical messiness, challenges, ruptures, discomfort, and pains of the past and present in order to move forward?

It is easy to write a statement of solidarity. However, what is not easy is the daily internal interrogation that is required of us to remain dedicated to the collaborative work of building together.

And as Black and Asian American feminists who truly believe a new world is possible, this is the responsibility we are committed to upholding. These are our collective visions and commitments:

  • We are united in the fight to dismantle oppressive systems such as colonialism, patriarchy, white supremacy, and capitalism.
  • We honor and center Black and Indigenous queer, femme, and trans experiences, including those who identify as Asian as well.
  • We continue to build on this project of solidarity — creating space for our separate and overlapping identities and experiences.

Signed,
Black Women Radicals
Asian American Feminist Collective


     “There is No Thing as a Single-Issue Struggle Because
We do not Live Single-Issue Lives.” ~Audre Lorde


Generation Z on Intersectionality

According to the Deloitte Global “2021 Millennial and Gen Z Survey, “It’s not unexpected, then, that millennials and Gen Zs are actively seeking to influence policy and business actions on matters that are important to them, including environmental issues,
inequality, and discrimination. They see each at a tipping point and seem eager to provide the necessary push to hold institutions accountable, in order to bring about change.”

 THEY ARE TAKING ACTION TO DRIVE THE CHANGE THEY WANT TO SEE IN THE WORLD
% that have done the following over the past two years

Older Generations Think “Cancel Culture” is a trend, when in reality, millennials and generation z want to hold people accountable.

Giselle of aespa was criticized by black women and black men for saying the n word while singing to a SZA song. The backlash forced her to apologize and as a result, people were holding her accountable. She may be foreign born, but she studied English abroad and fluently knows the language.

Accountability ≠ Cancel Culture

 

International Women’s Development Agency (IWDA.ORG.AU)

You may have heard the phrases ‘intersectionality’ or ‘intersectional feminism’ cropping up more and more lately. Intersectionality has recently taken on more space in public discussions about feminism, but it’s not new – even if it was only added to the Merriam-Webster dictionary last year.

It defines intersectionality as “the complex, cumulative manner in which the effects of different forms of discrimination combine, overlap, or intersect”. To break that down, it essentially means that discrimination doesn’t exist in a bubble – different kinds of prejudice can be amplified in different ways when put together.

It’s a critical concept, but one that some people find confusing.

Here’s where it all began, how it’s used today, and why it matters to our work.

The history

The word itself was first used by scholar and civil rights advocate Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989. While still a student studying to be a lawyer, she saw that gender and race were looked at as completely separate issues. To Crenshaw, studying them in isolation to each other made no sense. She saw that women of colour, for example, are doubly discriminated against, particularly in law.

The 1976 case of Degraffenreid vs General Motors is used by Kimberlé Crenshaw to this day to illustrate intersectionality.  Five African American women sues car manufacturer General Motors for racial and gender discrimination. But the courts found that women in general weren’t discriminated against when it came to jobs as secretaries, and the fact that GM employed African American factory workers disproved racial discrimination.

It ignored the fact the sheer majority of secretaries were white women, and factory workers were all men. So the women lost.

Intersectionality today

Despite coining the term, Crenshaw is the first to admit that she’s not the first to articulate its true meaning, citing women like 19th century Black Liberation Activist Anna J. Cooper all the way through to living legend Angela Davis, a prominent political activist.

As Crenshaw built on these foundations, modern feminists build on hers – today, intersectionality encompasses more than just the intersections of race and gender. It’s now widely used to illustrate the interplay between any kinds of discrimination, whether it’s based on gender, race, age, class, socioeconomic status, physical or mental ability, gender or sexual identity, religion, or ethnicity.

Why it matters to our work

The whole purpose of intersectional feminism is to listen to different kinds of feminists – not just ones like yourself. Making your feminism intersectional makes perfect sense to us – your life experiences are based on how your multiple identities intermingle. And we can see compounding forms of discrimination experienced by the women we work with. There are many examples, but here are just a few.

Intersectionality is a broad concept, and it’s still one that’s hotly debated in the feminist community. We don’t claim to be authorities on anyone else’s feminism, but to us, acknowledging how different forms of discrimination intersect with and amplify gender-based discrimination is a critical way to ensure all women reap the benefits of women’s rights.


Women’s Action for Voice and Empowerment (WAVE) is a ground-breaking women’s leadership program that brings together – and supports – individual women, organisations and movements in Asia and the Pacific region to increase the representation of women in diverse leadership positions.

Funded by the Government of the Netherlands, WAVE supports 18 women’s rights organisations in five countries with the resources, skills and networks they need to amplify their collective voice and create a more enabling environment for women’s leadership.

WAVE is also a movement, bringing women’s organisations and the public together to challenge widespread imbalances of power and priority that negatively affect women and their human rights. WAVE has five years (2016-2020) to deliver on its promise to women, including to women already in politics, women and young women with potential for political or civil leadership, and advocates for women’s empowerment spanning all genders and tiers of society. Women are drastically under-represented in formal and informal positions of leadership in Asia and the Pacific region. Yet we know that when women lead, outcomes are better for all.

WAVE brings about sustainable change by:

 

 

Supporting individual women’s leadership

WAVE’s goal is for individual women’s leadership to influence political, economic and social decision making

 

Making political and governance systems work for women

WAVE’s goal is for power holders and institutions to be responsive to and accountable for women’s rights and status

 

 

Strengthening women’s organisations and movements

WAVE’s goal is a vital, visible and vocal women’s movement that aggregates and amplifies women’s power and priorities

 

 

Building evidence on women’s lives, priorities and leadership

WAVE’s goal is for evidence on how change towards gender equality happens to inform individuals, institutions and movements



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