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In Luis Andres Henao’s article for the Associated Press titled “LGBTQ-inclusive church in Cuba welcomes all in a country that once sent gay people to labor camps”, he discusses changes in Cuba’s social, political and religious spheres concerning anti-queerness. As the title states, Cuba’s relationship with its queer community is historically violent. Labeled “anti-sociales”  in the journal article “Gender policing, homosexuality and the new patriarchy of the Cuban Revolution” by Lillian Guerra. Qqueer people, under Fidel Castro’s regime during the 1960s and onward, were not just degenerates but fundamental to the undermining of the principles of the Cuban revolution itself (Guerra, 268). Many reasons fueled the sentiment that queer people were the antithesis to the Cuban state, reasons include them being perceived as a harbingers of sin, associated with illicit activities such as prostitution and a burden on the country’s overall need for manual labor. The Cuban state during this time relied on fear of the government paired with the watchful eye of the fellow citizen to identify and imprison people suspected of being “anti-sociales”. Men were not only expected to be straight but proof of their masculinity was required of them to protect themselves. According to Guerra, “young men strove to ‘immunize’ themselves from suspicion by complying with volunteer labour demands and cutting cane” (Guerra, 286). Women were expected to provide the manual labor at home as well as that of the fields all while simultaneously actively trying to be attractive for men. Social and civic expectations made for hostile behaviors and environments in which Cuban men and women had to comply with the crushing responsibilities as well as fear their neighbor for any accusations of undermining the system.

In the article by Luis Andres Henao, he discusses how Cuba has made attempts to remove barriers for queer people to live their lives. Anti-gay discrimination protections and updates to the “family law”, passed with 67% approval, now allows same-sex couples to marry and adopt children (Henao). The island nation’s history with queerness as mentioned above, paired with the presence and opinions of large religious groups such as Catholics and Evangelicals shows how much has changed in 75 years since Fidel Castro rose to power. Regardless of religious opinion, the Pope, head of the Catholic Church, has tried to be more inclusive of queer relationships and their place in society by allowing priests to bless their unions. Furthermore, queer spaces such as the Metropolitan Community Church make space for their queer patrons and have their own queer Reverend. Once imprisoned and ousted from society, queer people in Cuba are increasingly visible and accepted.

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Works Cited

1. Guerra, Lillian. “Gender Policing, Homosexuality and the New Patriarchy of the Cuban Revolution, 1965–70.” Social History, vol. 35, no. 3, 2010, pp. 268–89. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/27866661. Accessed 12 Dec. 2024.
2. Henao, L. A. (2024b, April 1). LGBTQ-inclusive church in Cuba welcomes all in a country that once sent gay people to labor camps. AP News. https://apnews.com/article/cuba-lgbtq-gay-rights-catholic-evangelical-29e45106d382890865870ff3534236ce

An article titled “Bitter political fight in Bolivia is paralyzing the government as unrest boils over economic crisis” covered by AP News, an American company, and goes into detail about the political and economic unrest within Bolivia as the South American country struggles to maintain its once-stable economy, with a financial crisis at hand; workers marched 60 miles demanding the US capital to lower prices as they have soap and currency reserves run scarce. Bolivia is also a huge exporter of lithium and natural gas, meaning scarcity for US dollars and making it difficult to stabilize the economy. This uprising began due to the political drama that emerged as there was a battle for leadership between Luis Acre and Evo Morales. Protesters were trying to fight back for Morales, as he was then the first indigenous president. Union workers and indigenous communities saw opportunity and representation from Morales, but were afraid to see the opposite within Acres. After the pandemic, the Acres brought a lack of success to the country, and many supporters from Cochabamba want Morales to “save” Bolivia. 

This goes into some of the context behind Bolivia’s history with the privatization of their gas and foreign control over their natural resources. During the water wars in 2000 in Bolivia, many protests occurred in Cochabamba in response to the privatization of their water as they wanted to protect their water. The fight over water rights shows the indigenous people of Bolivia have been fighting to keep their resources from becoming profit opportunities. While these decisions are a step into modernization in a fast-changing world, it also creates a problem for indigenous peoples who want others to respect their rights to their land and territory. This is seen in a secondary source called “Sub-Central of Indigenous Peoples: Mojeños-Yuracaré-Chimane of the Indigenous Territory.” TIPNIS was a project that was proposed to build a road to link Beni and Cochabamba and sparked the conversation of the rights of indigenous peoples due to environmental degradation. Many laws were passed to protect the rights of indigenous communities and symbolize steps towards respecting their territory. We also see how colonizers wanted to transform indigenous people and their environment to be more “civil” because the indigenous lives differed with their traditions and customs (335). Towards the end of the document, we see a list of ways that the indigenous peoples of Bolivia stand their ground as a community to fight against marginalization over their territory (337).

 All in all, the article highlights the indigenous majority within Bolivia and that despite economic and political failures under Morales’s administration in the past, he created a balance between indigenous corners and modernization. The political rivalry itself affects political representation and disproportionately affects these communities economically.

Works Cited

Sub-Central of Indigenous Peoples: Mojeños-Yuracaré-Chimane of the Indigenous Territory Isiboro Sécure National Park (TIPNIS), “Resolution No. 00014/2009,” in Latin America since Independence: A History with Primary Sources, 3rd ed., ed. Alexander Dawson (Routledge, 2022), p. (335, 337).

Valdez, Carlos, and Isabel Debre. “Bitter political fight in Bolivia is paralyzing the government as unrest boils over economic crisis | AP News.” AP News, 23 June 2024, apnews.com/article/bolivia-morales-arce-political-economic-crisis-d38051e051a2e6473a18133e4a9c6120.

https://apnews.com/article/mexico-poverty-election-lopez-obrador-182061c29209528ea5553ce89d6db09c

In the article “Mexico’s Poorest Receiving Less Government Funds under President Who Brought Poor to the Fore,” Christopher Shelman delves into the paradoxical situation under President Andres Manuel Obrador (AMLO). Despite AMLO’S campaign promises to prioritize the poor, the article highlights how his administration has in fact reduced government funding to some of the country’s most impoverished regions.

Sherman discusses the broader economic context in which these budget cuts are occurring. The Mexican economy has been struggling, with slow growth and high levels of debt. The COVID-19 pandemic has further exacerbated these economic challenges, putting additional pressure on government finances. 

Sherman also explores the reasons behind this funding cut. One of the key reasons is Amlo’s policy of austerity. The president has been committed to reducing government spending and eliminating corruption, which he argues will ultimately benefit the poor. 

However, this approach has led to budget cuts across various sectors, disproportionately affecting the most vulnerable populations. The article suggests that while the intention behind austerity is to create a more efficient and corruption-free government, the immediate impact has been detrimental to those who were supposed to benefit the most from AMLO”S  presidency.

The article provides a detailed analysis of budget allocations, showing that states like CHiapas, Oaxaca, and Guerrero, which are among the poorest in Mexico, have seen significant reductions in federal funds. For instance, the article mentions “Martínez said his field work in Chiapas, Mexico’s poorest state, found many people who were not receiving as much money as they had previously under Prospera, but who nevertheless fervently supported López Obrador”(Sherlman). This reduction has impacted various sectors, including education, healthcare, and infrastructure development, which are crucial for improving living conditions in these areas. This reminds me to the perusall reading of “Economic Fault Lines and Middle-Class Fears” it says “Even after two or three days everyone was working chaotically, without any system. The desperation to save loved ones led to great inefficiency. I believe that the lack of coordination and organization made it impossible to save a great many people. There was even a lack of communication between soldiers and their captains. It’s not for nothing that most countries have offices to deal with emergencies and people trained for such events” (Walker). It demonstrates economic inequality by showing how a lack of resources and organization can lead to inefficiency and chaos in emergency situations. Wealthier regions are better equipped to handle such events, while poorer areas suffer from inadequate preparation and resource capabilities.

Both sources illustrate the impact of economic policies and government actions on different social classes in Mexico. Sherman’s article shows a contemporary example where the poor are receiving less support, despite promises to the contrary, leading to increased economic disparity. Walker’s historical analysis reveals similar themes of economic instability and the resulting feas among the middle class due to government policies.

Sherman’s Article the reduction in government funds for the poorest segments of society under a president who campaigned on helping the poor demonstrates a betrayal of promises and highlights ongoing economic inequalities. This can be seen as a continuation of historical patterns of neglect and economic disparity. Walker’s shows how economic policies and crises can create significant instability and insecurity. The 1985 earthquake exacerbated these issues, revealing the vulnerabilities of the middle class and the inadequacies of government responses.

In conclusion, Sherman’s article provides a nuanced analysis of the complex and often contradictory situation under President AMLO. While the president’s rhetoric and some policies have focused on helping the poor, the reality of reduced government funding to impoverished regions tells a different story. Sherman’s analysis underscores the challenges of balancing fiscal responsibility with the need to support the most vulnerable populations, a dilemma that continues to shape the political and economic landscape of Mexico.

Works Cited

“Mexico’s Poorest Receiving Less Government Funds under President Who Brought Poor to the Fore.” AP News, 24 May 2024, apnews.com/article/mexico-poverty-election-lopez-obrador-182061c29209528ea5553ce89d6db09c.

Walker, Louise E. “Economic Fault Lines and Middle-Class Fears.” Https://App.perusall.com/Courses/His-3072/Walker-Economic-Fault-Lines?AssignmentId=R5bvoXctqGEcmE3po&Part=1, app.perusall.com/courses/his-3072/walker-economic-fault-lines?assignmentId=R5bvoXctqGEcmE3po&part=1.

Cabezas, Jose. 2021. “Allies of El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, including his Cabinet chief, included in US list of corrupt officials.” Photograph. In Al Jazeera, May 18. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/5/18/five-of-salvadoran-presidents-allies-accused-of-corruption-us.

In Latin America, caudillos played a significant role emerging from 19th century as leaders who held strong regional influence, usually running an authoritarian style of governance. They often came in to fill the vacuum left by weak or fragmented governments, with a combination of charismatic leadership and populism with military backing. So, can the El Salvadorian President, Nayib Bukele be viewed as a contemporary caudillo? As Wood states, “We often see the word caudillo appear in U.S. journalistic articles about Latin American politicians who use fiery rhetoric about ‘the people’ and demonstrate some capacity to command a popular following.” ¹ Although he does not have fiery rhetoric about ‘the people’ in this New York Post article, President Bukele is able to command such populism through his crackdown on gangs from a news story by the BBC, which led him to “winning [his bid for reelection by] 83% of the votes.” ² His tough stance against crime, echoes the characteristics of traditional Latin American caudillos who favored the use of centralized power and authoritarian tactics to secure and maintain order. Like many other caudillos, Bukele’s narrative of restoring safety through harsh measures presents himself as the decisive leader willing to take extreme actions for the perceived greater good, even at the cost of human rights.

According to a New York Post article titled, New photos reveal mega-prison in El Salvador built to hold 40k inmates-with no prisoner ever freed, shows us the results of President Nayib Bukele’s crackdown and his human rights violations. The New York Post’s coverage of El Salvador’s Centre for the Confinement of Terrorism reflects a complex narrative that juxtaposes the brutal conditions inside the mega-prison with the political implications of President Nayib Bukele’s aggressive anti-gang crackdown. It highlights disturbing images of bound and confined semi-naked male prisoners that are packed into these cramped spaces, living in inhumane conditions. Prisoners are forced to consume their meals without utensils and can only use their body weight to exercise. ³ These decisions were made under the sentiment that utensils, weights, and barbells can be used as a weapon against other prisoners or the authorities. The conditions of the mega-prison are fueling criticisms from human rights advocates that liken the facility to a “black hole” of human rights abuse. ⁴ As Janoski states, “Activists compare the facility with Hitler’s concentration camps, and a report by human rights group Cristosal found that 174 inmates had been tortured and killed this year, the outlet [the Daily Mail] added.” ⁵ The graphic depictions and characterization of the mega-prison emphasize the severe dehumanization and overcrowding within the prison, as a symbol of President Bukele’s harsh methods towards criminals.

However, the New York Post article also presents Bukele’s narrative, which frames the prison and his broader security measures as a necessary part of combatting the rampant violence of gang organizations like MS-13 and Barrio 18 that have plagued the country for years. The government’s stance is that the prisoners’ conditions are acceptable and that the crackdown has made a positive impact on public safety. Janoski states that “The country’s homicides dropped nearly 57% in 2022 — a significant improvement for a nation often considered the murder capital of the world.” ⁶ This stark contrast between human rights violations and the government’s claims of success in reducing crime creates both moral and political tension in U.S. media coverage, such as those who support a ‘tough on crime’ approach versus measures that are more humane. Lastly, the coverage of this matter pushes readers to grapple with the dilemma of whether the drastic measures taken to address gang violence can be justified by the results they produce, even when the cost in terms of human rights is too high.

Footnotes

1. James A. Wood and Anna Rose Alexander, Problems in Modern Latin American History: Sources and Interpretations (Latin American Silhouettes, 2019), 101. ↩︎
2. BBC News, “El Salvador’s President Bukele Wins Re-election by Huge Margin,” February 5, 2024, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-68196826. ↩︎
3. Steve Janoski, “New Photos Reveal Mega-prison in El Salvador Built to Hold 40K Inmates — With No Prisoner Ever Freed,” New York Post, June 12, 2024, https://nypost.com/2024/06/12/world-news/new-pictures-reveal-savage-mega-prison-in-el-salvador/. ↩︎
4. Janoski, “New Photos Reveal Mega-Prison in El Salvador Built to Hold 40K Inmates — With No Prisoner Ever Freed.” ↩︎
5. Janoski, “New Photos Reveal Mega-Prison in El Salvador Built to Hold 40K Inmates — With No Prisoner Ever Freed.” ↩︎
6. Janoski, “New Photos Reveal Mega-Prison in El Salvador Built to Hold 40K Inmates — With No Prisoner Ever Freed.” ↩︎

Migration between Mexico and the United States has long been central to their economic and political relationship. The Washington Post article “As its workers stream to the U.S., Mexico runs short of farmhands,” highlights the ongoing labor shortage in Mexico and its connection to U.S. economic demands. Historically, this labor dependency reflects deeply intertwined economies, but political narratives in the U.S. have often framed migration as a security threat rather than an economic solution. Conversely, in the 1990s, Mexico approached migration with a focus on preventing its citizens from leaving the country, emphasizing the conflicting perspectives within this interconnected dynamic.

The U.S. has long relied on Mexican labor to sustain industries like agriculture. Programs like the Bracero Program (1942–1964; Rice, slide 10) brought millions of Mexican workers to the U.S. to fill labor shortages, particularly during World War II. As U.S. veterans returned from the war and avoided low-paying farm work, migrants became indispensable to the agricultural economy. Even in modern times, the Washington Post notes that the “…strong U.S. economy drives the Mexican labor market…” with over 300,000 H2-A visas issued annually to Mexican workers.

However, political narratives began to shift by the late 20th century. Ronald Reagan’s 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA; Rice, slide 12) granted amnesty to millions of undocumented immigrants, allowing many to leave agriculture for better-paying jobs. As labor shortages emerged, U.S. rhetoric around migration shifted from an economic focus to a security concern, fueled by political campaigns like California Governor Pete Wilson’s anti-immigrant Proposition 187 in 1994 (Rice, slide 20). This measure sought to deny undocumented immigrants access to public benefits and portrayed migration as a threat to societal stability rather than an economic necessity.

While the U.S. viewed migration as a security issue, Mexico faced challenges managing labor migration during the 1990s. Amid economic reforms following the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA; Rice, slide 9), Mexico sought to prevent its citizens from emigrating by addressing the root causes of rural poverty and unemployment. The Mexican government recognized that losing a significant portion of its workforce to the U.S. would weaken its rural economy where farm labor was vital. However, despite efforts to improve conditions in rural areas, economic disparities between Mexico and the U.S. remained stark. The Washington Post article explains that this dynamic persists today: Mexican farmers in regions like Jalisco struggle to compete with U.S. wages, forcing many workers to migrate. Additionally, 90 percent of Green Gold Farms’ produce is exported to the U.S., illustrating the deep economic ties between the two countries that continue to shape migration pressures.

The labor shortages in Mexico described in the Washington Post article highlight the enduring economic interdependence between Mexico and the U.S. Mexican farmers face significant challenges in retaining workers, as young people increasingly seek higher-paying opportunities either in industrial sectors or abroad. One farmer cited in the article explains that “we’re talking about Mexico having 1.5 million unfilled job openings…”, reflecting how migration continues to create labor gaps domestically.

At the same time, U.S. agriculture remains reliant on migrant labor. This paradox echoes the 1990s when Mexico attempted to retain workers while the U.S. framed migration as a threat. The article also notes that Mexican farmers are now recruiting migrants from other countries like Central America to fill their labor needs. However, these efforts are hindered by the same economic and political forces that drive Mexican workers to migrate north. This begs the question, if the U.S. benefits from Mexican labor and agricultural exports, should it invest more in addressing the root causes of migration in Mexico and the region? These questions underscore the complexity of migration as not only a national issue but also a transnational challenge requiring collaborative solutions.

Work Cited:

Rice, Mark. “Illicit Economies” Class Lecture, December 1, 2024. (slides 10, 12, and 20)

Rice, Mark. “Neoliberalism success and discontent” Class Lecture, December 1, 2024. (slide 9)

Sheridan, Mary, and Fred Ramos. “As Its Workers Stream to the U.S., Mexico Runs Short of Farmhands.” The Washington Post, 23 Mar. 2024, www.washingtonpost.com/world/2024/03/23/mexico-farmworkers-us-economy/.